“Next year, the Commission on Narcotic Drugs will conduct a high-level review. This will be followed, in 2016, by the UN General Assembly Special Session on the issue. I urge Member States to use these opportunities to conduct a wide-ranging and open debate that considers all options.”
His call for a “wide-ranging and open debate that considers all options” is certainly a welcome development, one that strikes the same note as the Count the Costs campaign statement:
“The 'war on drugs' is a policy choice. There are other options that, at the very least, should be debated and explored using the best possible evidence and analysis. We all share the same goals – a safer, healthier and more just world.
Therefore, we the undersigned, call upon world leaders and UN agencies to quantify the unintended negative consequences of the current approach to drugs, and assess the potential costs and benefits of alternative approaches”
The Secretary General's remarks echo the positive sentiments he and other high level UN officials have previously expressed regarding the need for a re-think of current policy, and an openess to explore alternative approaches.
In recent years the push for more pragmatic debate around alternative paths for drug control at the UN level have primarily come from Latin American leaders. During the 67th session of the UN General Assembly in September 2012 the presidents of Mexico, Colombia and Guatemala challenged the current policy framework in the face of its obvious failures and mounting costs.
Colombian president Juan Manuel Santos urged a reassessment stating that "It is our duty to determine - on an objective scientific basis - if we are doing the best we can or if there are better options to combat this scourge", while Mexican President Felipe Calderon explicitly called on the United Nations to lead a global debate over a less "prohibitionist" approach to drugs.
It is clear that more and more government and UN leaders, now including the UN Secretary General himself, accept the need for change and are taking the first tentative steps to begin the process of reform at the highest level.
Today, 26th June, is the UN’s International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, a day for governments to “celebrate” the war on drugs – which some of them do by executing drug offenders. “Support. Don't Punish”, a global advocacy campaign calling
for an end to the criminalisation of people who use drugs (and supported by Transform), is seeking to reclaim the day, through a series of protests in 26 major cities around the world. The protests are intended to
raise awareness of the need for more humane and effective policies that
prioritise the health and welfare of people who use drugs, and their families and
communities.
Highlighting the need for such a policy shift, the UNODC
today also released its annual World Drug Report (PDF), along with its new, somewhat
optimistically – and clunkily – titled campaign, “Make health your ‘new high’
in life, not drugs” (don’t take that pill; have a salad instead!).
As this year’s report makes clear in its preface, not much
progress has been made in the past 12 months:
“We have to admit that, globally, the demand for drugs has not been substantially reduced and that some challenges exist in the implementation of the drug control system, in the violence generated by trafficking in illicit drugs, in the fast evolving nature of new psychoactive substances, and in those national legislative measures which may result in a violation of human rights”
But according to the UNODC, violence, human rights abuses and a failure to meet its stated aims aren’t sufficient to warrant a meaningful change to the current approach to drugs. As they state: “The real issue is not to amend the [UN drug] Conventions, but to implement them according to their underlying spirit.” So basically, keep pressing on with more of the same, despite more than 50 years of failure.
To read more about the extent of this failure, and what could be done about it, download the Alternative World Drug Report, produced last year by the Count the Costs initiative (now supported by over 100 NGOs) to tell the other side of the drugs story to the one told by the UNODC.
The two initiatives launched today present us with a stark choice – support, or punish. They are totally incompatible, despite UNODC’s protestations to the contrary.
Silence is not an option. Transform urges those currently trying to straddle a non-existent fence in the debate, to oppose punishment and support humane, just and effective drug policies.
We are sad to announce the death of one of Transform’s most well known supporters – the writer Iain Banks. Here is the Telegraph's comprehensive obituary.
Iain was one of the early adopters of Transform in the 90’s, and gladly gave his name to support our work. I contacted him after reading The Wasp Factory (always my favourite Banks straight fiction). He never hid his fascination with drug culture, indeed, much of his his sci fi writing was set in an interstellar anarcho-communist utopia called 'The Culture'.
Iain Banks 1954-2013
When he became a patron he gave us this message of support:
"I think Transform is a necessary voice of sanity in the debate about drugs. Supporting Transform will help end the drug war and promote a society at peace with itself."
Iain also supported the work of our sister organisation, TDPF Scotland from the outset.
"I think it's long past time that Scotland faced the truth about drugs and the extra level of damage their illegality and prohibition imposes on individuals and society. The sort of rational debate and fact-based response to drug use that Transform has been championing throughout the UK for years needs to be brought to focus on Scotland, to reflect both the legislative realities brought about by the Scottish Parliament and the particularly Scottish mix of health, social, deprivation and addiction problems that people here face. I look forward to offering continuing support to a laudable and much-needed cause."
Aside from brief email correspondence with him over the years I only met Iain once at a reading he gave in Bristol. He was very approachable and had no airs and graces. Iain always had strong political views and an anger I can relate to. He famously tore up his passport over the invasion of Iraq and mailed the tatters to Tony Blair - "I was so angry about the illegality and immorality of the war. And this was me - a comfortably off, white Caucasian atheist from a vaguely Protestant background. If I thought it was a disgusting, what would Muslims think about how their co-religionists were being treated?"
I emailed him in April when he announced his terminal illness, and his reply included the following:
“Ah well. Hoped I'd live to see the world come to its senses re drugs, but I guess it's not to be. Still, don't regret the small part I've played trying to turn things around. One day...”
Happily for all of us who enjoyed Iain’s presence, his writing and his politics, his legacy will live on, and when the drug war ends, Iain’s call for peace will be remembered.
The commitment of heads of state is
crucial in pushing for drug policy reform since they have the power to
challenge the current prohibitionist framework at its political roots.
Sadly, when in office many key players
like Barack Obamaand David Cameron seem afflicted by
post-election amnesia when it comes to rethinking the War on Drugs. Indeed, historically, the issue has been taboo and thus it was that was only former presidents were willing to speak out.
Nevertheless, in the absence of much significant engagement on the side of Western consumer countries, Latin and Central American presidents
have taken the lead in challenging the prohibitionist status quo. And what is increasingly encouraging is that more
and more incumbent political leaders are nowdaring to challenge the prevailing orthodoxy. Below is a
selection of some of the more prominent past and present heads of state who are not afraid to champion reform, divided up into 'Incumbents' and 'Formers'.
Since then, he has announced that the
plan has been delayed due to lower than hoped public support in ongoing polling. Nevertheless he remains committed to
the reform and the Bill continues to make its way through the Uruguayan parliament.
He hopes to go ahead with this
groundbreaking policy when the population understands the intent of the measure, underlining that "The majority has to be in the street and the people
have to understand that with shootings and putting people in prison we are
giving a gift to drug traffickers."
Juan
Manuel Santos. Colombia’s president is an increasingly vocal proponent of reform, who, since coming to power, has drawn significant attention to the suffering of
Latin American producer countries, the unintended consequences of current interenational drug control. He is now a major advocate calling for a
rethink of the failed War on Drugs.
Laura
Chinchilla, president of Costa Rica,joined the group of incumbent presidents calling for a rethink
of the prevailing prohibitionist approach stating that drug legalization in Central America merits a 'serious' debatein order to reduce the crime and violence spreading through the region, even if it runs
up against U.S. opposition; once more drawing on the fact that Central Americans “have the right to discuss it” because “we are paying a very high price”.
"I believe that as he is entering his second term,
[Obama] is going to be more open to this debate. In the end, this is the
direction we all have to move in. There is going to be a change away from the
paradigm of prohibitionism and the war against drugs, to a process that will
take us towards regulation. I would expect a more flexible and open position
from President Obama in his second term."
Molina’s
engagement with the issue is a welcome development, though his role as an
advocate of reform may be overshadowed by the serious (though unconfirmed) allegations of human rights abuses that he faces. Evo Morales, the Bolivian president, now serving his second term, hasn't endorsed wider drug policy reform, but has instead focused on the legalisation of the practice of traditional coca leaf chewing in Bolivia. In his campaign he dared to withdraw the country from the 1961 UN Convention on Narcotic Drugs, and despite objections from several countries later managed to re-accede to the convention with a special dispensation recognising the practice as legal in Bolivia, effectively renegotiating the UN conventions to allow for more progressive reforms.
Morales has also been highly critical of the broader 'war on drugs' paradigm - which he views as failed and counterproductive. See, for example, this speech at the UN Commission on Narcotic Drugs earlier this year.
Formers
Ruth Dreifuss. Former president of Switzerland, member of the Global Commission on Drug Policy (which supported an experiment with legal market regulation of cannabis and other drugs), and pioneer of innovative harm reduction strategies. She introduced heroin-assisted treatment whilst she was Minister of Home Affairs for Switzerland and she frequently speaks out for decriminalisation and a public health approach to drug policy.
“The OAS and countries across Latin America
are positively contributing to the breaking of the taboo that blocked for so
long the debate on more humane and efficient drug policy. It is time that
governments around the world are allowed to responsibly experiment with
regulation models that are tailored to their realities and local needs."
“The world needs,
and deserves, a control regime that is not corrupt, that has genuine integrity
– that is sound, complete and whole – that is democratic, and delivers
security, development and health within a human rights framework. I am
realistic. I believe it could take another ten years to turn this ‘Blueprint’
into reality. It is a tragedy that in the next decade many thousands more will
die using dirty drugs or trying to stop, or fighting over the spoils of, the
illegal trade. At the same time we will collectively waste another trillion
dollars on the global war on drugs."
George Papandreou who served as Greece’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and later became Prime Minister, is
another member of the Global Commission on Drug Policy who was a serving head of state at the time of publication and as such was therefore possibly the first head of state to publicly back legalisation/regulation. He has long advocated the need for a rethink of the current global drug policy framework.
Speaking at a High-level Conference on Drugs entitled "Towards an effective drug policy: Scientific
documentation, everyday action and political choices", which was organized during
the Greek presidency of the EU in 2003, Papandreou said:
"I do not hide that I personally have from time to time supported the
need to see the addict as someone in need of treatment rather than a criminal,
the need to make full use of the conclusions of a number of bold pilot
projects, regarding the supervised administration of substitute narcotics in an
organised way, including by the State itself."
Fernando Henrique Cardoso,
former president of Brazil, and Chair of the Global Commission on Drug Policy, has been one of the most prominent former leaders calling for radical changes in drug policy:
“There is still a long way to go. The trend towards decriminalisation
for possession helps to empower a public health paradigm. It breaks the silence
about the drug problem. It enables people to think in terms of approaching drug
abuse in a way that is not first and foremost a matter for the criminal justice
system. Reducing the harm caused by drugs goes hand in hand with reducing
consumption."
“The full enforcement
power of the state and the social and cultural pressure of society should be
aimed at a relentless fight against organized crime -- rather than persecuting
people in need of treatment.
Our second core
recommendation -- which is more complex but just as important for ensuring
peace and public safety -- is to encourage experimentation with different
models of legal regulation of drugs, such as marijuana, in similar ways to what
is already done with tobacco and alcohol.
Research has
consistently demonstrated that marijuana is a less harmful drug than tobacco or
alcohol. Regulation is not the same as legalization. This is a critical point.
Regulation is a necessary step to create the conditions for a society to
establish all kinds of restrictions and limitations on the production, trade,
advertising and consumption of a given substance to deglamorize, discourage and
control its use."
Jorge Sampaio. The former Portuguese president was at the beginning of his second term
when his country became one of the pioneering EU countries introducing a decriminalisation policy in July 2001.
The pioneering law was
introduced in response to Portugal’s
growing drug abuse problem, and meant drug possession/use was no longer treated as a criminal justice issue. Instead, it would now be dealt with as a purely administrative
violation. This legal refrom, alongside a more fundamental realignment of policy from punitive enforcement towards public health interventions. , resulted in a decline in problematic drug use, drug-related mortality rates and drug-related disease transmission. Twelve years
after the law was enacted there is widespread political consensus in Portugal
in favour of decriminalisation.
"Of
course, we must believe that the architects and subsequent followers of the ‘war
on drugs‘ strategy though that they were acting on behalf of the public
interest, but that is hardly a reason not to examine the basis for and the
results of their policies. In this process, we should not ignore the
possibility that their idea of public interests might have been distorted by a
sense of short-term political urgency."
Aleksander
Kwasniewski, former president of Poland who joined the Global Commission
last year seems to be a good illustration of the short-termism that Zedillo
wrote about. In 2000, as president, Kwasniewski signed the bill introducing a
prison sentence of up to 3 years for the possession of any amount of illicit drugs, no matter how small. Not surprisingly, the result was a drastic increase in
numbers of arrests, more than half of them under the age of 24.
Such an approach hardly merits a place on the list of top reformers, however what is interesting is that he publicly admitted that introducing those
policies was a serious mistake. In an op-ed published in the New York times in
May last year he declared:
"It is my hope that political and community leaders in other countries,
especially in Eastern Europe, will learn from Poland’s experience in
criminalizing drug possession, a move that clearly fell short of its goals.
Such a policy failure should not be repeated anywhere else in the world."
"East European leaders should press for a halt to incarcerating
people for possessing small amounts of drugs for personal use and should start
treating drug addiction as a public health issue."
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